Virtual Campfire
* Master Thesis by Jenny Ryan: the Virtual Campfire. An Ethnography of Online Social Networking. 2008
URL = http://thevirtualcampfire.org/virtualcampfire.htm pdf
A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Wesleyan University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Anthropology.
Abstract
'Based on five years of participant-observation on the social networking sites MySpace, Facebook, and Tribe.net, The Virtual Campfire explores the increasingly blurred boundaries between human and machine, public and private, voyeurism and exhibitionism, the history of media and our digitized future. Woven throughout are the stories and experiences of those who engage with these sites regularly and ritualistically, the generation of "digital natives" whose tales attest to the often strange and uncomfortable ways online social networking sites have come to be embedded in the everyday lives of American youth."
Contents
"Structure of Thesis
The first section of this study provides an historical background for the emergence of the contemporary online practices of computer-mediated communication discussed in this thesis. In Chapter One, I briefly sketch the development of modern communications media, beginning with the popularization of the Gutenberg printing press in the era of nation-building that marked 18th century Europe. I go on to look at the Industrial Revolution, and to trace the relations of the middle class to new media technologies over the 20th century and into the 21st. In the second portion of this chapter, I provide an historical overview of the development of computer-mediated communication over the past half-century, elucidating points of comparison and departure from prior forms of communications media.
Chapter Two traces the development of Tribe, MySpace, and Facebook over the past five years, beginning with a description of some of the earlier popular websites that defined the social networking genre. By tracing the histories of these sites, I aim to demonstrate how popular attitudes have changed over time, marked by particular events that have evoked controversy, opposition, and anxiety. While all three sites are modeled on granting users the ability to create a virtual private space, they have at times violated the trust of their members by implementing features and policies that disintegrate the boundaries between public and private, moderating or censoring the content that can be displayed, or attending to the exploitive interests of commercial enterprises.
In the third chapter I explore my own experiences with the Internet and the various roles online communication has played in my life since I first encountered the medium over ten years ago. In so doing, I seek to explicate the complex ways in which these technologies both shape and are shaped by everyday understandings of self-identity, relationships with others, and membership in various kinds of communities. This chapter sets the stage for what I consider to be the most important contribution of this research: an emphasis on the subjective experiences of individuals as they adopt and integrate this medium into their everyday social practices.
In the latter half of this thesis, I turn the lens from myself to the stories of others engaged with my particular sites of focus: MySpace, Facebook, and Tribe. Chapter Four examines some of the anxieties and dystopian views expressed by my informants. The vertical gazes of legal authorities, commercial enterprises, and other unintended audiences threaten to expose or exploit members’ personal information. Longstanding student concerns with popularity, authenticity, and romance are expressed in new ways on these sites, which many criticize as lacking authenticity, contributing to the deterioration of face-to-face communication, and promoting narcissism and voyeurism.
In Chapter Five, I discuss the various pleasures and utopian visions described by participants. By interacting in these virtual private spaces, members can experiment with their identities, engage in transgressive acts, and foster a sense of communal belonging. These sites enable the promotion and circulation of various forms of user-generated content, ranging from photo albums to home videos, across boundaries of time and space. Some believe that these technological advances have arrived just in time to salvage community as the world descends into the destructive forces of modernism, advocating a return to humanity’s ancient "tribal" roots.
Chapter Six explores another possible future scenario for online social networks: the "digital graveyard." Through observation and ethnographic analysis, I examine the phenomenon of memorializing the online profiles of deceased individuals. In such cases, the "virtual campfire" metaphor can be applied to the ways in which memorialized profiles become public and permanent while simultaneously creating an intimate space for collective remembrance. While these factors may result in profanation of this sacred space, they also extend the possibilities for commemoration in unique ways. Ultimately, I suggest that members of online social networking sites take into account the possibility that their virtual identities may quite suddenly come to serve as "digital graves," potentially permanent encapsulations of lives as they were lived online.
I encourage readers to peruse the Appendices as they are needed: Appendix A provides a glossary of some of the potentially unfamiliar Internet terms and jargon I refer to on occasion. In Appendix B, I have selected portions of my own Profiles on MySpace, Facebook, and Tribe, as well as the personalized "homepages" that greet members upon login, so as to provide a reference for those unfamiliar with the sites. My online Profiles have developed as I became more involved in these networks, reflecting my current desire for creative self-expression through these media. Appendix C contains a descriptive list of and links to recommended resources for those interested in learning more about online social networking, including links to my own Web presences." (http://thevirtualcampfire.org/introduction.htm)
Excerpts
Introduction
Jenny Ryan:
"Thousands of years ago, our early human ancestors gathered around campfires, creating communal hearths of warmth and light. There they might tell stories, converse about the day’s events, perhaps engage in shamanistic rituals involving plants, music and dance, or simply gaze silently at the flames in collective meditation. Today, the fireplace in my family’s living room shares its centralizing power with the television, around which we gather with our laptops and cellphones by our sides. Our time spent together is increasingly mediated by new technologies, enabling new forms of storytelling, altering our processes of individual and collective identity formation, and extending the possibilities for creating and maintaining social relationships. What follows is an ethnographic exploration of online social networking, a controversial new medium of communication that has become a fixture in the everyday lives of middle-class, American youth.
Studies of our primate cousins have found that their striking affinity for grooming one another serves the primary function of creating and maintaining social bonds. Predominantly social animals, our success as a species can be attributed in part to our capacity to form large groups, wherein different members perform a variety of roles and activities necessary for the well-being of their kin. It has been theorized that language evolved as a means of extending our social networks, allowing us to stay informed about friends and family through gossip (Dunbar 1996). Through language, humans create mutually understood symbols with which we coordinate social activities and pass on the stories, norms and values that order social life. Over the course of the past few centuries, the traditional roles of storyteller, gatekeeper, and matchmaker have been transformed through the accelerating force of mass reproduction, allowing for the increasingly expansive circulation of information in ways that transcend previous boundaries of space and time.
The myriad mediums through which we communicate symbolic forms cannot be examined in isolation. Rather, each new medium builds on prior media, extending our possibilities for symbolic interaction. While these communication technologies allow us to accumulate more information quicker and keep in touch with others at any time and from any place, they are typically seen as lacking the fundamental characteristics of immediacy and presence valorized in the formation of intimate social bonds; namely, eye contact, gesture, and body language. Nevertheless, as media develop they are increasingly adapted and appropriated in culturally specific ways, and subsequently integrated into everyday life. Just as mobile phones have become natural extensions of the modern cosmopolite’s person, so too are social networking sites becoming habitual features of the everyday lives of "digital natives," engaged with regularly and ritualistically.
My central argument in this thesis is that online social networks can potentially serve as both places of the hearth and avenues to the cosmos. Over time, these sites function as personal records of one’s experiences and relationships. These archives are made up of a variety of forms akin to older modes of record keeping, such as address books, journals, diaries, photo albums, personal correspondences, and yearbooks. Additionally, they serve as gateways to the greater milieu, enabling the circulation of information about the world and granting members the capacity to participate in various ways. For teenagers and marginalized groups, in particular, these sites can be safe spaces for exploring and experimenting with identity, as well as for connecting to new people and ideas.
At the same time, engagement with online social networking sites can potentially violate the privacy of the hearth and limit one’s exposure to the larger world of the cosmos. As certain sites become more popular, one’s online connections within the medium may expand to include family members, authority figures, co-workers, and past acquaintances. Information that was once accessible only to trusted members of one’s inner circle or particular community (such as a college campus) may become more publicly visible, thereby encouraging self-censorship or the imposition of privacy controls. Additionally, the ego-centric nature of online social networking allows users to regulate the information they come across online in such a way as to limit communication only with certain trusted individuals, or within a particular sphere of cultural tastes. Rather than creating the much-celebrated "global village," the Internet may actually be contributing to the increasing fragmentation of taste communities.
Integrating these seemingly opposed facets of online social networking in light of my ethnographic findings, I propose that everyday involvement with these sites can be metaphorically represented as a "virtual campfire" [2]. A campfire serves to bridge the gap between the hearth and the cosmos, drawing individuals out of the comforting indoor hearth of the household, taking place outdoors in gatherings of larger (yet still intimately connected) groups in order to tell stories and converse with each other, collectively engaged in the ritualized processes of tending and feeding the flames. Engaged members of online social networks share their stories with Friends through creating individual Profiles, updating their Status messages, writing blog posts, and uploading photographs, music, and videos [3]. Friends may then participate in the storytelling and camaraderie, posting Comments in response to this uploaded content. Social bonds are reinforced in diverse ways, ranging from written messages, Event invitations, and the formation of Groups, to virtual Pokes, Gifts, and online gameplay. Most importantly, these sites allow friends to construct private spaces for nurturing social cohesion and group membership.
However, the virtual nature of this intimate hearth- the lack of physical co-presence- complicates this "campfire" dynamic considerably. Not only is it difficult to control the information one promulgates to invisible and potentially unintended audiences, it is possible to learn about others and make character judgements without ever interacting with them. Additionally, some participants in my study have expressed concern over their overuse of the medium for such purposes as procrastination from work or voyeuristically "stalking" others, habits easily reinforced due to the low cost and accessibility of the Internet in their lives. Despite these issues, the virtual aspect of these sites allows individuals (especially the shy and the socially anxious) to express themselves in potentially creative and uninhibited ways- for example, through the use of multimedia. Furthermore, intimate groups may flourish regardless of the spatial proximity of their members, extending the possibilities for the formation of geographically dispersed communities based on shared tastes.
Being, Knowing, and Being Known in Online Social Networks
Mike, a friend from high school, had been going through a "Facebook-identity crisis" over the past couple of days; each time I had logged into Facebook during this time, the "Recently Updated" tab indicated that Mike had changed several elements of his Profile. Often, his changes would include a reference to the Facebook medium itself. Curious, I sent him an IM (instant message) and struck up a conversation. He noted the inadequacy of Facebook Profiles for truly getting to know others, particularly those he had recently met but had yet to develop a good friendship with, and expressed his desire to be able to connect "directly to people’s brains." His observations, provoked by his personal experiences with Facebook, can be applied to virtually every medium of human communication- beginning with language itself. As the early twentieth century philosopher-poet T.E. Hulme put it: "Language is by its very nature a communal thing; that is, it expresses never the exact thing but a compromise—that which is common to you, me, and everybody." From face-to-face conversations to modern technologies of communication, our experiences of the world are mediated by language. Through language, humans develop mutually understood symbols by which we construct our sense of ourselves, of others, and of reality itself.
The struggle to effectively or authentically communicate one’s "true" self is not particular to online social networking; rather, the tension between one’s inner self and its outward portrayal had been a subject of concern in Western culture long before the advent of the Internet. Plato spoke of the "great stage of human life." If, as Shakespeare mused, "All the world is a stage, and all the men and women merely players," then what happens when the curtains close and we go backstage? In The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life, Erving Goffman (1959) elaborated upon this dramaturgical approach in crafting a sociological theory that has come to be known as "symbolic interactionism." Once backstage, "the impression fostered by the presentation is knowingly contradicted as a matter of course (112)." From the symbolic interactionist perspective, one performs a certain role on the public stage that is often subverted in the private sphere ("backstage"). This private sphere supposedly allows for a more "truthful" performance of self, but is nevertheless still a performance tailored to a specific audience. The question then becomes: can one only truly know oneself in the absence of others?
Paul Ricoeur, an eminent scholar in the field of hermeneutics and phenomenology, challenges the notion that the self is transparent to itself. Rather, he theorizes that the hermeneutic self is revealed to that self through the ‘other’- most immediately and directly through two interlocutors. Furthermore, this direct, intersubjective encounter is a relation that is "invariably intertwined with various long intersubjective relations, mediated by various social institutions, groups, nations and cultural traditions (Kearney 2004: 4)." One continually attempts to define herself as an individual with a unique "personality," however this process is itself co-constructed through one’s everyday interactions with others as well as the subjective appropriation of various cultural markers of identity. From this perspective, online social networks mirror the process by which individuals construct their identities by extending interpersonal communication and providing fields in which they may articulate their cultural tastes and group affiliations.
By granting users access to new forms of cultural expression, a member of an online social network may acquire different kinds of knowledge and skills that serve to increase her cultural capital (Bourdieu 1986). The ability to navigate through these websites and acquire and display such knowledge is itself a form of cultural capital, indicating that one has familiarity and expertise with computers. The cultural capital one acquires in online social networks is often demonstrated through member Profiles in the form of articulated cultural preferences (such as books and movies), the extent to which one portrays herself as more or less the producer of her own text, and the style in which an individual’s Profile is presented. Oftentimes, the cultural capital demonstrated on these Profiles can best be described in terms of Sarah Thornton’s concept of "subcultural capital," which expands on Bourdieu’s original theory and applies it to members of a subculture. A subculture defines itself through its differentiation from other groups, such as "pop culture" and "mainstream society," and its members acquire "hipness capital" in adopting certain styles and acquiring certain kinds of knowledge and status (particularly discerning music taste). Subcultural capital is displayed on all three sites, but especially Tribe; members demonstrate their membership to the "underground" through joining certain Tribes that allow one to stay in the know about upcoming parties, new music albums and artists, and ideas and dialogues pertinent to, for example, the Burning Man subculture.
The increased possibilities for community and self-formation enabled by online social networks can also serve to increase one’s social capital. Pierre Bourdieu (1986: 51) defined "social capital" as:
The aggregate of the actual or potential resources which are linked to… memberships in a group- which provides each of its members with the backing of the collectivity-owned capital, a ‘credential’ which entitles them to credit, in the various senses of the world.
By aggregating one’s social contacts, be they close ties or casual acquaintances, and providing detailed information about these individuals, one accumulates a wealth of potential resources. As Robert Putnam (2000: 171) defines it, "Social capital is all about networks, and the Net is the network to all ends." When members join networks (such as university or workplace networks) they reaffirm their group memberships, instigating a sense of belonging. Social capital can even be symbolically demonstrated by the number of Friends or Fans one has- though excessive numbers of Friends may evoke suspicion over the "authenticity" of an online persona. Thus, social capital is furthermore contingent upon two primary factors: reciprocity and trust.
A review of the recent sociological, economic, psychological and philosophical literature on the nature of trust was examined in a paper by Chopra and Wallace (2003) entitled "Trust in Electronic Environments." Trust is considered a crucial element with regard to social capital, and exists on four levels: the individual (psychological), the interpersonal (one to another), the relational (social glue), and the societal (functioning). The processes involved in the development of trust include past behavior, intentionality of the trustee, emotional bonding, reciprocity, reputation, and shared values. A variety of factors influence the degree to which an individual trusts those with whom they interact in virtual environments, such as one’s technological bias, disposition, referrals by trustworthy others, and the context within which these online relationships are formed. In the context of the online social networks I am examining, an individual’s level of trust in the network is dependent on her personal comfort with online sociality, the extent to which her offline communities are connected to her online, the presence of untrustworthy others, and the site’s reputation itself. While online social networks can serve to reinforce or extend one’s social capital in local offline communities, these networks also increase the efficacy of dispersed community formation based on shared interests or cultural tastes. One’s sense of trust, then, is also largely informed by the degree to which one’s online network aligns with one’s personal values, such as family and local community or music preference and party style.
Despite the evidence that all experiences are mediated and that the "self" is co-constructed, I have time and again encountered the pervasive belief that experiences with online social networking diminish the quality of interpersonal communication and fail to authentically portray one’s "true" identity. This perceived disconnect may be attributed to a number of factors. Firstly, computer-mediated communication reduces the kind of social cues we frequently rely on in face-to-face communication (such as gesture and intonation), thereby increasing the likelihood for miscommunication. Secondly, successful computer-mediated communication demands not only literacy and the ability to effectively communicate through written text, but also a certain level of "fluency" with the specific language of the online environment in which one is participating. Thirdly, popular online social networks pose the threat of enmeshing multiple social contexts (such as the university versus the workplace versus the family), effectively challenging the previously established boundaries between public and private. In these cases, the protective boundaries between how we perform ourselves "onstage" and "backstage" become dangerously blurred. Finally, because these audiences are often invisible, we may come to know more about another through their online personas than through "natural" face-to-face interactions, and vice versa. In such cases, the "self" is projected rather than co-constructed, thus potentially altering the process through which we come to know another. This is not to say that the "self" has not historically been projected in the formation of impressions, but rather, that online social networking intensifies and multiplies the contexts for this practice.
Though I was officially a member and actively participated in the online communities I chose to write about, much of what I understood about the practices of others in these environments was garnered through the ubiquitous practice of observing what was publicly accessible. Perhaps the most controversial ethical issue that arises through online research is the practice of "lurking" undetected as a means of easily accumulating information that can then be categorized and analyzed. While such a method diminishes the potentially negative repercussions that may arise as a result of declaring one’s intentions as a researcher, it also precludes cooperation between researcher and subjects; moreover, the practice effectively circumvents the issue of "informed consent" and might therefore be regarded with suspicion. I remained (and do still remain) uncertain about my role as an anthropologist: am I a participant-observer, or a participant-lurker? Does the "participant" component of this identification legitimize the "passivity" of lurking? After learning of prior research in this area, it was apparent to me that informed, sensitive ethnography would help to dispel some myths and highlight productive forms of interaction in this era of swift technological and social change." (http://thevirtualcampfire.org/introduction.htm)
Conclusion
Jenny Ryan:
"Online social networking sites combine the casualness and directness of speech with the evocative presence of the visual to create the “virtual campfire.” Orality and visuality converge and merge in the online medium, reaching simultaneously for both the hearth and the cosmos. This hearth is the realm of the domestic, where we nourish our desire for the security of intimate relationships and the capacity to be our “true” selves. At the same time, there is the desire for belonging to the cosmos, the expansive social universe wherein we accumulate knowledge and perform our identities, themselves the products of the particular cultural and institutional systems within which our everyday lives are embedded. Though accessible only to those possessing the resources and cultural capital necessary for participating, online communities offer an array of possibilities for meaningful human connection that are fast becoming available to all through public service and international aid initiatives.
Over the course of human evolution, knowledge about the world and the individual’s place within it has traditionally been imparted by storytellers and ritual experts. While religious leaders had previously embodied these roles, with the popularization of the printed word their authority became secondary to that of the liberal, secular bourgeois intellectuals, whose activities have expanded in the wake of Industrial Revolution. Mass production requires mass consumption, and over the 20th century advertisers and other cultural producers have marketed an ever-expanding array of symbolic goods and media forms targeted at the increasingly fragmented tastes of consumers. The construction of individuals as “consumers” reflects and reinforces longings for the connectivity of true community, for meaningful engagement as members of the world. From its grassroots beginnings, the Web has become another medium through which cultural forms are bought and sold; however, it is also a new space where individuals, regardless of gender, age, class, nationality or race, can themselves become producers of culture, and engage with like-minded others across barriers of time and space.
What makes the online medium unique is its capacity to bridge the gap between the place of the hearth and the space of the cosmos, potentially reversing what has been called “the disintegration of the public sphere” (Habermas 1962: 175). Over the course of the 21st century, new technologies of communication have increasingly brought the “public sphere” into the home. Both reflecting and reinforcing widespread sociocultural processes of “individualization,” modern media have become integral in the formation of identities based on cultural tastes. The Internet has helped to extend this process of individualization, and in the process has heightened the degree of agency people have in learning about the wider world, and most importantly, granting them a voice with which to participate in that world.
Though we are significantly closer to this ideal, it would be premature to claim that the technologies I have studied have made the Internet into the “global village” prophesied by Marshall McLuhan half a century ago. Rather, most of my participants use social network sites to extend their offline communities into online practice in a manner more closely in line with the concept of "networked individualism," which suggests we are expanding our social networks (weak ties in particular) according to our cultural tastes and communities of membership. In this study I have sought to expand upon this theory by examining the ways in which engaged members incorporate computer-mediated communication into their everyday lives in meaningful ways, extending the possibilities for self and community formation through the “virtual campfire.”
Throughout the evolution of modern media, public and private spheres have become increasingly blurred. The transparency and permeability of this new “virtual” medium not only makes it possible to access public spaces from the privacy of home, but also renders the private sphere susceptible to public visibility. The popularization of online communication precipitated a familiar moral panic, similar to the initial reception of television, inciting a discourse of fear regarding the potentially transgressive nature of virtual intimacy as well as corporate interest in exploiting the Web for its economic potential. It is important for Web users to be aware of the extent to which their personal information and activities on these sites are tracked and archived by corporate and government authorities, and, when possible, to collectively organize protests demanding changes in privacy policies and design architecture.
Nevertheless, for the most part the intangible dangers of being observed by unintended audiences are considered secondary to the convenience of instantaneous access to this “virtual campfire” from the comfort of the home. While online social networking sites are often disparaged as poor replacements for human interaction that encourage superficial relationships, my ethnographic analysis reveals how some people, American youth in particular, are incorporating this medium into their everyday practices in more or less meaningful ways. Through elucidating both the dangers and possibilities of this medium, I seek to encourage people to create their own “virtual campfires” as a supplement to, rather than a replacement of, their offline lives. Through participation and sharing in meaningful ways- from conversation to creating art- we might begin to see these sites as vehicles for healing the widely-felt loss of community and the pervasive sense of alienation experienced by so many.
Today, at the culmination of my fifth year at Wesleyan, most of my friends have already graduated. Few of the friends I do have left on this campus have ever met those who feature most prominently in my memories of college. As a result, I sometimes find myself telling romanticized tales about my former classmates, accompanied by the perusal of Facebook, where I find myself drawn to the faces and expressions of old friends, much as I might peruse a yearbook. For this reason- the sentimental mementos of personal relationships collectively stockpiled and interlinked within the vast archives of the site- Facebook has become an important place for remembrance, a nostalgic campfire that draws together old friends in my memory. It is also a virtual medium through which my now-distant friends and I keep track of the ongoing stories of each others’ lives, enabling us to “groom” one another in a variety of ways- sending Gifts, playing Scrabulous, or taking the time to write a humorous or thoughtful Wall Post. The glow of this campfire may make invisible the surrounding forest and the wolves that lurk within, waiting for their chance to steal our source of sustenance for their own gain.
MySpace has become a place for broadcasting “my story,” much like the personal homepage I created as an adolescent. It serves the primary function of enabling creative self-expression for the entertainment and (hopefully) inspiration of a doubtlessly wide yet generally unknown public audience. By attracting the gazes of visitors to my MySpace Profile, I become the message of the flickering flames that might entrance and, through the ineffable power of poetry, incite transcendence. However, although I believe my flame burns bright, its warm glow may be overshadowed by the blinding fluorescent bulbs of capitalism. Nevertheless, the stories told to me by those who value their performances on the site reveal its possibilities for creative imaginings of the self.
The “virtual campfires” that constitute Tribe make up a virtual “tent city,” like those found at art and music happenings such as Burning Man. Connecting geographically distant individuals through their eclectic interests, the Tribes I came across reminded me that meaningful relationships can, in fact, be formed through the screen. My personal engagement with the site helped me connect to other groups and individuals outside of the university sphere I was embedded in, and allowed me to imagine other possibilities for being. Inspired by the group discussions that took place on the message boards of various Tribes, it is here that community is created through the collective participation of those seeking to share their own magic and wisdom with those receptive enough to listen and respond.
I hope readers will take away from this thesis a “middle-path” approach to their own online activities. While it is important to be aware of the unintended audiences to whom you may make yourself visible, the Web also extends the possibilities for communication in potentially extraordinary ways. Successfully building a “virtual campfire” first entails deciding upon a site that aligns with one’s interests; for instance, I frequently recommend Tribe for those seeking information and discussion about Burning Man, or MySpace for those wishing to promote their music. To truly fuel the flames of the campfire, I also suggest genuinely connecting to Friends through either one-way or Group conversation, thus explicitly “grooming” others in ways that encourage reciprocity. We may also use these technologies to collectively organize for political and activist causes as well, brainstorming ideas and circulating information in ways that may indeed contribute to progressive change. Participation with others is thus paramount to deriving a sense of meaningful connection through what can be an isolating medium. By sharing information and telling stories, it is indeed possible to create meaningful connections and refashion our world, overcoming the sense of alienation that so many experience in late capitalist modernity." (http://thevirtualcampfire.org/conclusion.htm)